Women in Prison U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs Bureau of Justice Statistics Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin Women in Prison NCJ-143292 Full text with tables available from: Bureau of Justice Statistics Clearinghouse 800-732-3277 Box 179 Annapolis Junction, MD. 20701-0179 FAX Number (for report orders and mail list signup only): 410-792-4358 March 1994 This report provides results of the most comprehensive survey of women confined in State prisons ever undertaken. About 1 in every 11 women in State correctional facilities was interviewed. Female inmates largely resemble male inmates in terms of race, ethnic background, and age. However, women are substantially more likely than men to be serving time for a drug offense and less likely to have been sentenced for a violent crime. Nearly 6 in 10 female inmates grew up in a household with at least one parent absent, and about half reported that an immediate family member had also served time. More than 4 in 10 reported prior physical or sexual abuse. We want to thank all of the State departments of corrections that facilitated these interviews. This study would not have been possible without their assistance. Lawrence A. Greenfeld Acting Director By Tracy L. Snell BJS Statistician Assisted by Danielle C. Morton BJS Statistician Assistant The number of women in State prisons grew 75% from yearend 1986 to yearend 1991, reaching almost 39,000 by June 1991. At that time women were 5.2% of all prisoners, up from 4.7% in 1986. Relying on responses to questions in interviews with a nationally representative sample of State inmates, this report describes those women. It provides details on offenses and criminal histories, and it also depicts the women's personal characteristics and backgrounds. Most of the female State prison inmates were over age 30, at least high school graduates or holders of a GED, and members of a racial or ethnic minority. Large majorities were unmarried, mothers of children under age 18, and daughters who had grown up in homes without both parents present. Before entering prison a large percentage of the women had experienced physical or sexual abuse. The following findings summarize some major points of the report: Current offenses The expanding population of women who served a sentence for a drug offense accounted for more than half of the total growth; violent offenders, a fifth. *In 1991, 10% of female inmates were in prison for fraud (which includes forgery and embezzlement), down from 17% in 1986. Criminal histories Nearly half of all women in prison were currently serving a sentence for a nonviolent offense and had been convicted in the past for only nonviolent offenses. Nearly two-thirds of all female inmates had two or fewer prior convictions. *About 71% of all State female prisoners had served a prior sentence to probation or incarceration, including 20% who had served a sentence as a juvenile. Victims of violent inmates Nearly two-thirds of the women serving a sentence for a violent crime had victimized a relative, intimate, or someone else they knew. Family characteristics Two-thirds of the women had at least one child younger than 18; altogether, they were mothers to more than 56,000 minor children. *An estimated 46% of women with minor children said they talked with those children on the phone at least once a week; 45% had contact by mail at least once a week; and 9% were visited by their children. *More than half reported their minor children were living with grandparents; a quarter, with the father. *About 47% of the women reported having an immediate family member who had been in jail or prison. About 35% had brothers and 10% had sisters who had been incarcerated. Drug and alcohol use Almost half of the women in prison reported committing their offense under the influence of drugs or alcohol. *More than half of women in prison in 1991 had used drugs in the month before the current offense. About two-fifths had used drugs daily. *The percentage of women who used cocaine or crack in the month before their offense increased from 23% in 1986 to 36% in 1991. Survey of Inmates of State Correctional Facilities, 1991 The Bureau of Justice Statistics conducted the 1991 Survey of Inmates of State Correctional Facilities in 277 prisons nationwide. At each facility, inmates were chosen systematically from the day's roster. Through personal interviews with 13,986 inmates, about 94% of those selected, data were collected on individual characteristics of State prison inmates, current offenses and sentences, characteristics of victims of violent inmates, criminal histories, prior drug and alcohol use and treatment, and health care services provided in prison. Similar surveys occurred in 1974, 1979, and 1986. Increase in number of women in prison The State prison population grew 58% between 1986 and 1991. During the same period, the number of women in prison increased 75%, and the number of men, 53%. State prison inmates Percent 1986 1991 change Female 22,777 39,917 75.2% Male 464,603 728,246 52.9% Note: Data are based on custody counts from the National Prisoner Statistics program. ************************************************************ Adult arrest statistics reflected similar changes. While the number of female arrests increased 24% between 1986 and 1991, the number of male arrests increased 13%. Women accounted for 19% of all adult arrests in 1991, up from 17% in 1986. Adult arrests Percent 1986 1991 change Female 1,805,422 2,230,417 23.5% Male 8,582,422 9,667,402 16.7% Note: The number of adult arrests was estimated by applying the sex and age distributions from reported arrests to the total estimated number of arrests. Adults are defined as persons age 18 or older. Source: FBI, Crime in the United States. ************************************************************ Characteristics of women in prison Women in State prisons in 1991 were most likely to be black (46%), age 25 to 34 (50%), unemployed at the time of arrest (53%), high school graduates, holders of a GED, or with some college (58%), and never married (45%). Compared to 1986, the female prison population in 1991 had higher percentages of Hispanics, women older than 25, and women who had completed high school. There were lower percentages of non-Hispanic whites and of women under age 25. Although the men in prison overall were older in 1991 than in 1986, they were younger on average than the women. From 1986 to 1991 the median age of men went from 29 to 30, and in 1991, 22% of the men were younger than age 25. The percentage of women in prison who had never married increased from 42% in 1986 to 45% in 1991. About a third of female inmates in both years were either separated or divorced. More than half the male inmates in 1986 (54%) and in 1991 (56%) reported that they had never married. Imprisoned women in 1991 had completed more years of education than women in 1986. An estimated 23% of female inmates had completed high school in 1991, up from 19% in 1986. Male inmates had a similar increase in high school graduates, from 18% to 22%. In the 1991 survey, a third of the women who had dropped out of school--about a fifth of all women in prison--had gotten a GED. Altogether, 43% of female inmates had a high school diploma or its equivalent as the highest level of education. As in 1986 women in prison in 1991 were more likely than men to have had some college education (16% compared to 12%). Female inmates were significantly less likely than male inmates to be employed at the time of their arrest. An estimated 47% of women in prison were working, compared to 68% of the men. More than a third of the women were unemployed and not looking for a job. Current offense From 1986 to 1991 a large increase occurred in the percentage of women in prison for drug offenses, and this was matched by a decline in the percentage in prison for property offenses. Nearly 1 in 3 female inmates were serving a sentence for drug offenses in 1991, compared to 1 in 8 in 1986. This increase in sentenced drug offenders accounted for 55% of the increase in the female prison population between 1986 and 1991. The percentage of women in prison for property offenses declined from 41% in 1986 to 29% in 1991. Sentences for fraud decreased more than for any other single offense type, dropping from 17% of the women in prison to 10%. Women incarcerated for violent offenses included about 3 in 10 female inmates in 1991, down from 4 in 10 in 1986. Despite this decrease in the proportion of violent female inmates, the number of women sentenced for a violent offense rose from 8,045 to 12,400 during the 5-year period. Murder, the most prevalent violent offense among female inmates in 1991, accounted for just over a third of the women sentenced for a violent offense. Violent female inmates and their victims In 1991 nearly two-thirds of the women in prison for a violent offense had victimized a relative, intimate, or someone else they knew. Women serving a sentence for a violent offense were about twice as likely as their male counterparts to have committed their offense against someone close to them (36% versus 16%). Another third of the women, but more than half of the men, had victimized a stranger. Women in prison for homicide were almost twice as likely to have killed an intimate (husband, exhusband, or boyfriend) as a relative like a parent or sibling (32% versus 17%). Female inmates were more likely to have killed relatives or intimates (49%) than nonrelatives (30%) or strangers (21%). Relationship of Percent of females victim to serving a sentence offender for homicide* Intimate 31.9% Relative 17.0 Well-known 14.3 Acquaintance 12.8 Known by sight only 2.7 Stranger 21.3 *Homicide includes murder, negligent man slaughter, and nonnegligent manslaughter. ************************************************************ Criminal history Female inmates generally had not been sentenced to incarceration or probation as often as male inmates, and their record of past convictions was generally less violent than that of male inmates. About 28% of the women reported no previous sentences to incarceration or probation, compared to 19% of the men. Four in ten women had a history of violence, compared to more than 6 in 10 men. Nearly half of all women in prison were currently serving a sentence for a nonviolent offense and had only nonviolent offenses for prior convictions. Among women with no prior sentences, more than half were serving a sentence for a violent offense. Among those women with a previous sentence, about a third were serving a sentence or had served a sentence for a violent offense. Female inmates also had shorter criminal records than male inmates. An estimated 51% of all women in prison had one or no prior offenses, and 66% had two or fewer offenses, compared to 39% and 55% of the men, respectively. About 2 in 10 women had a criminal record as a juvenile, compared to 4 in 10 men. Half of all women in prison had criminal records as adults only. Sentence length Overall, female prisoners had shorter maximum sentences than men. Half of the women had a maximum sentence of 60 months or less, while half of the men had a sentence of 120 months or less. Excluding sentences to life or death, women in prison had received sentences that, on average, were 48 months shorter than those of men (mean sentences of 105 and 153, respectively). An estimated 7% of the women and 9% of the men received sentences to life or death. Maximum Percent of inmates sentence length Female Male Less than 36 months 24.2% 12.4% 36-59 18.7 15.0 60-119 20.5 22.3 120-179 11.9 13.2 180 or more 17.7 27.9 Life/death 7.0 9.2 ************************************************************ The differences in sentence length are, in part, the result of variation in the distribution of offenses among female and male inmates. Women were more likely than men to be in prison for drug and property offenses, which had shorter average sentences than violent offenses, For each category of offense, women received shorter average maximum sentences than men. For property offenses, female prisoners had a mean sentence 42 months shorter than men; for drug offenses, 18 months shorter; and for violent offenses, 39 months shorter. Family background More than half of the women in prison had grown up in a household without the presence of both parents. An estimated 42% had lived in a single-parent household--39% with their mothers and 3% with their fathers. An additional 16% had lived in a household with neither parent present. Relative to the general population, female inmates were nearly twice as likely to have grown up in a single-parent household. In 1975, when most of the inmates in 1991 were between ages 10 and 18--80% of the 66.1 million children in the Nation's households were living with both parents (Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1978, U.S. Bureau of the Census). About 17% of the female inmates had lived in a foster home, agency, or other institution at some time while they were growing up. The composition of the childhood household differed among white, black, and Hispanic women in prison. More than half of white women and less than a third of black women grew up with both parents present. Black female inmates were the most likely to have grown up in a home with only their mothers (46%). Hispanic women were equally likely to have lived with both parents (40%) or their mothers only (41%). White women were more likely than other women to have ever lived in a foster home, agency, or other institution. Women in prison were more likely than the men to have had at least one member of their immediate family who had been incarcerated: 47% of female inmates and 37% of male inmates. About 35% of the women had a brother and 10% had a sister who had served a jail or prison sentence. Higher percentages of black women than of white women had family members who had been in jail or prison. Among women 42% of black inmates, 36% of Hispanic inmates, and 26% of white inmates said a brother had been incarcerated. White women (11%) were more likely than black women (5%) to have had a father with jail or prison time. A third of the female inmates and a quarter of the males said that a parent or guardian had abused drugs or alcohol while the inmate was growing up. Alcohol was more often cited than drugs. Thirty-two percent of the women had a parent who abused alcohol, and 7% had a parent who used drugs. Of white women in prison, 42% reported parental abuse of drugs or alcohol, compared to 33% of Hispanic women and 26% of black women. Physical and sexual abuse of prisoners In 1991 survey participants responded to a series of questions about any abuse experienced and their age at the time of abuse. For the first time in a BJS inmate survey, inmates reported their relationship to their abusers, and female inmates indicated if sexual abuse involved rape. More than 4 in every 10 women reported that they had been abused at least once before their current admission to prison. An estimated 34% of female inmates reported being physically abused, and 34% reported being sexually abused. About 32% said the abuse had occurred before age 18, and 24% said they had been abused since age 18. Compared to men in prison, women were at least three times more likely to report any prior abuse, and six times more likely to report sexual abuse or abuse since age 18. Among inmates who reported prior abuse, women differed somewhat from men in their relationships to their abusers. An estimated 50% of women in prison who reported abuse said they had experienced abuse at the hands of an intimate, compared to 3% of men. While both female and male inmates were most likely to name a relative as an abuser, women were less likely than men to say that a parent had abused them (38% compared to 57%). More than three-quarters of the female inmates who had a history of abuse reported being sexually abused. An estimated 56% of the abused women said that their abuse had involved a rape, and another 13% reported an attempted rape. Percent of female inmates Type of abuse who were abused Physical only 21.2% Sexual only 21.9 Both 56.9 Type of sexual abuse Total 78.8% Completed rape 55.8 Attempted rape 13.0 Other sexual abuse 10.0 Refusal .8 Among the women in prison, those who reported abuse had different types of offenses than those who did not. The victims of abuse were more likely to be in prison for a violent offense (42% versus 25%) and less likely to be serving a sentence for a drug offense (25% versus 38%) or a property offense (25% versus 31%). Percent of female in- mates who experienced Most serious Prior No prior offense abuse* abuse Violent 41.7% 25.0% Property 25.3 31.4 Drug 25.3 8.5 Public-order 6.9 4.6 Other .7 .5 Number of inmates 16,385 21,439 *Includes those inmates who experienced physical or sexual abuse prior to their current incarceration. Half of the violent female inmates who had been abused were sentenced for homicide, compared to two-fifths of other violent female inmates. Percent of violent female inmates who experienced Prior No prior Violent offense abuse abuse Homicide 50.8% 41.9% Sexual assault 6.1 3.9 Robbery 20.1 29.4 Assault 18.0 20.7 Other violent 5.0 4.2 Number of inmates 6,827 5,369 ************************************************************ Mothers in prison More than three-quarters of all women in prison had children, and two-thirds of the women had children under age 18 at the time of the survey. The 25,714 mothers in prison had more than 56,000 children under age 18. Male inmates were slightly less likely to have children: 64% reported having any children and 56% had children under age 18. Black (69%) and Hispanic (72%) female inmates were more likely than white (62%) women to have children under age 18. Black women were slightly more likely than other women to have lived with their young children before entering prison. Among inmates with children under age 18, 25% of the women, but nearly 90% of the men, said that their children were living with the other parent. More than a third of white female inmates reported children to be living with their fathers at the time of the interview, compared to a quarter of Hispanic women and less than a fifth of black women. Regardless of race, the children's grandparents were the most common single category of caregivers: 57% of black mothers, 55% of Hispanic mothers, and 41% of white mothers. Nearly 10% of the women reported that their children were in a foster home, agency, or institution. Among inmates with children, women were more likely than men to have had contact with their children since admission to prison, regardless of the children's ages. Nearly 90% of women with children under age 18 had contact with their children, compared to about 80% of men. An estimated 87% of women with only adult children, compared to 72% of men, had contact with those children during their incarceration. Since entering prisons, half of the women had been visited by their children, four-fifths had corresponded by mail, and three-quarters had talked with them on the phone. An estimated 46% of women with minor children said they talked with those children on the phone at least once a week; 45% had contact by mail at least once a week; and 9% were visited by their children. Female inmates with children younger than 18 were more likely than those with only adult children to make daily telephone calls to their children (16% versus 11%). Drug use history Women in prison in 1991 used more drugs and used those drugs more frequently than men About 54% of the women had used drugs in the month before the current offense, compared to 50% of the men. Female inmates were also more likely than male inmates to have used drugs regularly (65% versus 62%), to have used drugs daily in the month preceding their offense (41% versus 36%), and to have been under the influence at the time of the offense (36% versus 31%). Nearly 1 in 4 female inmates reported committing their offense to get money to buy drugs, compared to 1 in 6 males. Compared to the women in prison in 1986, higher percentages of female inmates in 1991 reported that they had used drugs in the month before their offense (54% compared to 50%). Among women using a drug in the month before the offense, the percentage using cocaine or crack rose from 23% in 1986 to 36% in 1991. However, marijuana use during the same period declined from 30% of the women to 20%. The use of other types of drugs either declined or remained about the same during this period. About the same percentage of women in both years said they were under the influence of drugs at the time of their offense. At the time of their offense, 23% of female inmates were using cocaine or crack in 1991, up from 12% in 1986. Marijuana use dropped from 8% to 5%. Use of heroin and other opiates remained about the same. Among inmates, women were more likely than men to report having used a needle to inject illegal drugs: a third of female inmates, compared to a quarter of male inmates. An estimated 18% of the women and 12% of the men also said that they had shared a needle at least once in the past Ever Ever used shared Prisoners a needle a needle Female* 34.0% 18.0% White 41.6 25.0 Black 24.0 10.3 Hispanic 45.9 24.5 Male 24.3% 11.5% *Includes Asians, Pacific Islanders, American Indians, Alaska Natives, and other racial groups. Injecting drugs was more widespread among Hispanic and white women than among black women. About 46% of the Hispanic women, 42% of the white women, and 24% of the black women used a needle to inject illegal drugs before admission to prison. About a fourth of the Hispanic and white women and about a tenth of the black women had shared a needle for drugs. Female inmates who used drugs differed from those who did not in the types of crimes they committed. Regardless of the measure of drug use, users were less likely than the nonusers to be serving a sentence for a violent offense. One in four of the women who had used drugs in the month before their offense and 2 in 5 of the nonusers were serving a sentence for a violent offense. Among women who had committed the offense under the influence of drugs, 24% were sentenced for a violent offense, and among those not under the influence, 37% were sentenced for a violent offense. Women who had not used drugs were about twice as likely as users to have committed homicide, but were less likely to have committed robbery. Among women who said they committed their crimes to get money to buy drugs, 17% were serving a sentence for a violent offense and 43%, a sentence for a property offense. Female inmates who said that drug money was a motive for their crimes were about twice as likely as other inmates to be incarcerated for robbery, burglary, larceny, or fraud (54% versus 27%). About half the women in prison in 1991 reported that they had never participated in a drug treatment or drug education program. Those prisoners reporting a more serious use of drugs were more likely to have been participants. Among female inmates who had ever used drugs, 64% had been in a clinic, therapy, self-help group, class, or other treatment program. Of the women who had used drugs in the month before their offense, 71% had participated in a drug treatment program; 42% had been in treatment before admission. Twelve percent of the women using drugs in the month before their arrest were also in treatment at that time. After admission to prison 38% of the women had participated in a drug treatment program. The most frequently used programs were group counseling (30%) and self-help treatment groups (21%). More than half of those who had used drugs in the month before their offense had participated since admission; nearly a third were enrolled in a program at the time of the survey. Percent of female inmates Type of in drug treatment program treatment after admission to prison All types* 37.7% Inpatient 8.6% Counseling Group 30.2% Individual 10.5 Peer/self-help 21.4 Drug education 10.7 *Detail adds to more than total because inmates may have participated in more than one type of treatment program. ************************************************************ HIV and AIDS Among State prison inmates who were tested for the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and reported the results of that test, women were more likely than men to test positive. An estimated 3.3% of the women reported being HIV-positive, compared to 2.1% of men. Among female inmates who were tested for HIV, 6.8% of Hispanics and 3.5% of blacks tested positive, compared to 1.9% of white female inmates. An estimated 6.7% of women who had used a needle to inject illegal drugs reported testing positive for HIV, compared to 4.7% of their male counterparts. Among women who reported needle use, Hispanics were most likely to be HIV-positive (11.6%), followed by blacks (8.3%) and whites (3.9%). Percent of inmates who tested HIV-positive Ever used All a needle Female* 3.3% 6.7% White 1.9 3.9 Black 3.5 8.3 Hispanic 6.8 11.6 Male 2.1% 4.7% *Includes Asians, Pacific Islanders, American Indians, Alaska Natives, and other racial groups. Among inmates who had shared a needle to inject drugs, women were more likely than men to be HIV-positive (10.0% versus 6.7%). For a more detailed discussion of HIV-testing and AIDS, see HIV in U.S. Prisons and Jails, BJS Special Report, NCJ-143299. ************************************************************ Alcohol use Although women in prison were more likely than men to have committed their offense under the influence of drugs (36% versus 30%), women were less likely to have been drinking alcohol (22% versus 31%). Nearly half of both women and men were under the influence of either drugs or alcohol at the time of the offense. Female inmates generally drank less often than male inmates during the year before their current offense: 58% of women in prison reported any alcohol use, compared to 73% of men. About 2 in 10 women, compared to 3 in 10 men, drank every day during that year. Among inmates, women had participated less than men in any alcohol treatment but were about as likely as men to have joined an alcohol-related group like Alcoholics Anonymous or Al-Anon after admission. Heavier drinkers, regardless of their sex, were more likely to participate in alcohol-related prison to groups than those who drank less often before entering prison. However, for inmates who drank at least once a week before admission, the women (23%) were more likely than the men(18%) to participate. The same difference in participation levels between women and men existed for inmates who had committed their offense under the influence of alcohol. Prison health care for women About 6% of women in prison in 1991 had entered prison pregnant. An estimated 6.7% of black women, 5.9% of Hispanic women, and 5.2% of white women were pregnant at admission. Most women who had been pregnant had received both routine gynecological exams and prenatal care. White female inmates were more likely than other women to have received mental health care after admission. Twenty-nine percent of white women had participated in individual or group counseling for problems other than drug or alcohol abuse, compared to 21% of black women and 15% of Hispanics. Before their current admission white female inmates (18%) were more likely than black (8%) or Hispanic (6%) females to have stayed overnight in a mental hospital or other mental health treatment program. Nearly 1 in every 6 women had received medication prescribed by a psychiatrist or other doctor for an emotional or mental problem since admission to prison. Methodology The 1991 Survey of Inmates of State Correctional Facilities was administered for the Bureau of Justice Statistics by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. Personal interviews were conducted with 13,986 inmates to collect data on individual characteristics of State prison imates, current offenses and sentences, characteristics of victims. criminal histories, prior drug and alcohol use and treatment, and health care services provided while in prison. Similar surveys were conducted in 1974, 1979, and 1986. Sample design The sample for the 1991 survey was selected from a universe of 1,239 State prisons enumerated in the 1990 Census of State and Federal Adult Correctional Facilities or had been opened between completion of the census and February 29, 1991. The sample design was a stratified, two-stage selection. In the first stage correctional facilities were separated into two sampling frames: one for prisons with male inmates and one for prisons with female inmates. Prisons holding both sexes were included on both lists. Within each frame, prisons were stratified into eight strata defined by census region (Northeast, Midwest, South, and West) and facility type (confinement and community-based). All prisons with 1,950 or more men were selected from the male frame; and all prisons with 380 or more women were selected from the female frame. The remaining prisons in the male frame were grouped into equal size strata of approximately 2,600 males and then stratified by security level (maximum, medium, minimum, and unclassified). The remaining prisons in the female frame were also grouped into strata of approximately 574 females. A systematic sample of prisons was then selected within strata on each frame with probabilities proportional to the size of each prison. Overall, a total of 277 prisons were selected. In the second stage interviewers visited each selected facility and systematically selected a sample of male and female inmates using predetermined procedures. As a result, approximately 1 of every 52 male inmates and 1 of every 11 females were selected. A total of 13,986 interviews were completed, yielding an overall response rate of 93.7%. Based on the completed interviews, estimates for the entire population were developed using weighting factors derived from the original probability of selection in the sample. These factors were adjusted for variable rates of nonresponse across strata and inmate characteristics. Further adjustments were made to control the survey estimates to midyear 1991 custody counts projected from data obtained in the National Prisoner Statistics series (NPS-1). Accuracy of the estimates The accuracy of the estimates presented in this report depends on two types of error: sampling and nonsampling. Sampling error is variation that may occur by chance because a sample rather than a complete enumeration of the population was conducted. In any survey the full extent of the nonsampling error is never unknown. The sampling error, as measured by an estimated standard error, varies by the size of the estimate and the size of the base population. Estimates of the standard errors have been calculated for the 1991 survey. These estimates may be used to construct confidence intervals around percentages in this report. For example, the 95-percent confidence interval around the percentage of women who were in prison for a drug offense is approximately 32.8% plus or minus 1.96 times 1.04% (or 30.8% to 34.8%). These standard errors may also be used to test the significance of the difference between two sample statistics by pooling the standard errors of the two sample estimates. For example, the standard error of the difference between female and male inmates in the percent in prison for drug offenses would be 1.4% (or the square root of the sum of the squared standard errors for each group). The 95-percent confidence interval around the difference would be 1.96 times 1.4% (or 2.7%). Since the difference of 12.1% (32.8% minus 20.7%) is greater than 2.7%, the difference would be statistically significant. All comparisons discussed in this report were statistically significant at the 95-percent confidence level. To test the significance of comparisons not mentioned in the report, use percentages in text or tables and, when available, base numbers. This Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report was written by Tracy Snell. Danielle Morton assisted in the initial analysis of the survey. James Stephan provided assistance and statistical review. Allen Beck supervises the writing and analysis of corrections reports. Tom Hester edited this report, and Priscilla Middleton, Betty Sherman, and Jayne E. Robinson produced it, under the general direction of Marilyn Marbrook. Marita Perez and Linda Ball of the Demographic Surveys Division, the U.S. Bureau of the Census, collected and processed the data under the supervision of Gertrude Odom and Lawrence McGinn. Christopher Alaura, Mildred Strange, Dave Pysh, and Carolyn Jenkins furnished programming support under the supervision of David Watt and Stephan Phillips. NCJ-143292 March 1994 Data used in this report are available from the National Archive of Criminal Justice Data at the University of Michigan, 1-800-999-0960. The data set is archived as the Survey of Inmates of State Correctional Facilities, 1991 (ICPSR 6068) -----------